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QUARTER-CENTURY of the 
NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY 

OF ORANGE, N. J., MAY (12) 15, 1895 




non Hierosolymis fuisse, sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse, 
laudandum est. 



TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY 
CELEBRATION 

NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY 

OF ORANGE 




GEORGE BLAGDEN HACUN 



1870-1895 



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1P9f 



ORANGE, NEW JERSEY 

MDCCCXCV 



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CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Proceedings ■ 5 

Historical Sketch, by Wendell Phillips Garrison . 8 
Address, by Albert Bushnell Hart .... 17 
Poem, by Frederic Lawrence Knowles . . . .38 

Appendix : 

List of Officers 45 

Necrology ..... 47 



QUARTER-CENTURY 
OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY. 



At the monthly meeting- of the New England Society of 
Orange, N. J., held on March 3, 1894, Vice-President Charles H. 
Mann in the chair, " Mr. George H. Brewer called attention to 
the fact that next year would be the twenty-fifth anniversary 
of the birth of the Society. Mr. Brewer thereupon moved that 
the President of the Society [Mr. John O, Heald] be instructed 
or authorized to appoint a committee of five members, the com- 
mittee to be announced at the next monthly meeting of the So- 
ciety ; and that the duties of the committee shall be to arrange 
a plan for the proper celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary 
of the birth of the Society ; that the committee shall report not 
later than the October meeting; and that the Corresponding 
Secretary shall be a member of that committee. The motion 
was duly seconded and carried " ; Mr. Brewer giving notice that 
he did not desire and should be unable to serve on the committee. 

At the next monthly meeting, April 7, President Heald an- 
noimced that he had appointed Messrs. William A. Brewer, Jr., 
chairman, Henry Graves, David A. Kennedy, Camillus G. Kid- 
der, Isaac E. Gates, and "Wendell P. Garrison (Corresponding 
Secretary). 

The Committee, having organized in October by making the 
chairman treasurer and Mr. Kennedy secretary, reported to the 
Society on November 3, thi-ough Mr. Kennedy, that as the true 
anniversary (May 12, 1895) would fall on Sunday, the most con- 
venient date thereafter shoidd be selected; that the exercises 
should embrace (1) a sketch of the history of the Society, by one 
of its members ; (2) musical selections, vocal and instrimiental ; 
(3) an oration by some prominent New Englander ; (4) a poem ; 
and (5) a collation without wine. 



6 PEOCEEDINGS 

On December 1, the chairman, Mr. W. A. Brewer, Jr., asked 
that the Committee be empowered to offer a prize of twenty- 
five dollars for a poem suitable to the occasion — this offer to be 
extended to members of the Society or their families, with reser- 
vation of the right to reject all poems ; the poem to contain not 
less than one hundi-ed nor more than one him^dred and fifty 
lines, and to be sent in to the Committee, signed with a nom de 
plume, on or before Mai'ch 31, 1895. The Committee fm-ther 
proposed that each member of the Society be requested to sub- 
scribe five dollars, and that such subscription entitle him to five 
tickets for the celebration. Upon discussion, the offer of the 
prize for a poem was confirmed by the Society, but it was voted 
to sohcit and accept subscriptions of a greater or less amount 
than five dollars, and to make attendance free to all members 
alike. 

On February 2, 1895, the Committee reported, through Mr. 
Kennedy, that the 15th of May following had been fixed upon 
as the date of the celebration, and that thus far one hundred and 
six members had responded to the circular calling for subscrip- 
tions, to the amount of $633. 

On May 4, Mr. Gates reported in behalf of the Committee the 
programme of exercises. 

On the evening of May 15, a choice assemblage of members and 
friends of the Society filled the lower floor of Music Hall. They 
found the approaches to the hall lined with greenery, the So- 
ciety's rooms similarly adorned, as well as with bunting, and the 
stage effectively set in the manner of a conservatory with plants 
and flowers. To the left, on an easel, was displayed the life-size 
crayon portrait of the Rev. George B. Bacon, D. D., transferred 
from the Society's waUs. Instrumental music was furnished by 
Fischer's orchestra, and vocal by a quartette from the Mendels- 
sohn Glee Club of New York. 

At half-past eight, Mr. William Read Howe, President of the 
Society, called the meeting to order and opened the exercises in 
these words : 

" Ladies and gentlemen : We welcome you all to-night to our 
birthday party, and we are glad to be twenty-five years old. 
There is so much of the Puritan element in us that we felt that 
we could not celebrate this occasion on Sunday ; and inasmuch 
as there is some doubt whether the 21st or the 22d of December 
is the real Forefathers' Day, there seemed to be no impropriety 



PEOCEEDINGS 7 

in our taking the 15th of May as our anniversary, instead of the 
12th, the real date." 

After a song, Buck's '' Hark ! the Trumpet Calleth," by the 
Quartette, the President continued : 

" There is no person better quahfled to tell of the history of 
the Society than WendeU P. Garrison, one of its founders ; and 
so the Committee asked him to prepare an historical sketch, 
which he will now read." 

Mr. Garrison's sketch is given in fuU below. 

Hawley's " Bugle Song," and ''Annie Laurie," were then sung 
by the Quartette, whereupon the President introduced the orator 
of the evening, Mr. Albert Bushuell Hart, Assistant Professor of 
History at Harvard College. " One of the few things," said Mr. 
Howe, '' in which it is not considered desirable for this Society 
to mix is politics, but to-night we are going to hear Professor 
Hart tell what Pui-itan pohtics were." 

Professor Hart's address, which was somewhat shortened in 
the reading, is given in full below. 

The Quartette having sung "Oft in the Stilly Night" and 
Buechler's " Treachery," the President remarked that thus far 
the exercises had not had much of the poetic element in them 
— in fact, there was not much of this in the New England So- 
ciety of Orange. Nevertheless, the Committee had decided to 
offer a prize for the best poem on a theme related to New Eng- 
land, and had unanimously awarded this prize to Mr. Frederic 
Lawrence Knowles, of Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 
In the aljsence of the author, the poem was then read by Mr. 
Gates, of the Committee. It will be found below. 

The singing of Buck's " Twilight " and Hatton's " King Wit- 
laf's Drinking Horn " by the Quartette closed the formal exer- 
cises, after which the audience adjourned to the upper hall and 
enjoyed in a social manner the collation provided by S. & J. 
Davis. And thus ended the celebration. 



THE BIRTH 
OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY. 

By Wendell Phillips Garrison. 

Mr. President, fellow-members of the New England 
Society, ladies and gentlemen : 

There were three founders of the New England Society, 
and as I alone am left to tell the tale, the committee of ar- 
rangements for this festival have asked me for a plain 
statement of our beginning. My own part in it was sim- 
ple eavesdropping, as will appear in the sequel ; that of 
the Rev. George Blagden Bacon was the aspiration 
which was to clothe itself in our organization; that of 
Judge John N. Whiting was what the medical fraternity 
call contra-indication, or a pointing the other way. He 
was — if I may say so without irreverence to the memory 
of an estimable man and exemplary citizen — the Balaam 
of this New Jersey Moab : " Behold, there is a people 
come out of Egypt, which covereth the face of the earth ; 
come now, curse me them ; peradventure I shall be able 
to overcome them, and drive them out." 

Our small history connects itself with a larger, with 
that of the country. The close of the year 1869 was one 
of the darkest periods in the new era succeeding the civil 
war. Grant was in the first year of his presidency, and it 
was already apparent that his soldierly instinct of patriot- 
ism would succumb to partisan pressure in favor of the 
most rigid application of the spoils system. Scandal was 



BIKTH OF THE SOCIETY 9 

already striving to connect itself with his person, in the 
matter of the gold conspiracy which culminated in Black 
Friday, on September 2-1. He would soon have to de- 
scend to lobbying in the vain endeavor to secure ratifica- 
tion of his secret treaty for the acquisition of San Do- 
mingo. The waves of passion engendered by the effort 
to impeach President Johnson, and by the nomination of 
Horatio Seymour — the personification of reaction and 
counter-revolution — as his successor, were far from hav- 
ing subsided. The South was still in the throes of recon- 
struction ; and in the case of Georgia the hand was arbi- 
trarily set back on the dial after she had complied with 
the conditions of readmission to the Union, and her Repre- 
sentatives had actually beeu seated at Washington. The 
bloody operations of the Kuklux Klan marked the pre- 
vailing demoralization in that section. The Fifteenth 
Amendment still lacked the requisite number of ratifica- 
tions to take its place in the Constitution. The mercenary 
spirit which seemed to possess the nation after the rebel- 
lion had been suppressed, was fostered by the inflation of 
values caused by our forced currency, the legal-tender 
greenbacks. Congress was infected by it, and there was 
a traffic even in the patronage of West Point cadetships. 
In New York State and city, corruption was rampant. 
Fisk and Gould had, with the aid of an infamous judi- 
ciary, completed with impunity the wrecking of the Erie 
Railroad. Theii- allies, the brigands of the City Hall, with 
Tweed at their head, were now also in possession of the 
State Government, including the Executive. No wonder 
there were some who felt the need, in State and nation, of 
a Puritan revival. 

No wonder, also, that those who, from their political 
affiliations, had always regarded the war for the Union 
with aversion, and who had sympathized with President 
Johnson in his desperate struggle with Congress over the 
restoration of the South, were now shocked by the high- 
handedness of Congress in its effort to ensure the fruits 
of the war and the equal citizenship of the freedmen. In 
this number Judge Whiting, like many other legal minds 



10 BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 

in the ranks of what we then called the Bourbon Democ- 
racy, fonnd himself, and was heard, or overheard, to ex- 
press a wish or an expectation of '' leaving New England " 
— that is, the stronghold of the anti-slavery sentiment of 
the country — "out in the cold," as the current phrase 
was. Within the range of his voice chanced to be Dr. 
Bacon, pastor of the Valley Congregational Church, son 
of the Rev. Dr. Leonard Bacon of New Haven, and a New 
Englander to the core; a man, also, of the purest and 
sweetest character. The Moabitic curse of the chosen 
people, mild as it was on the lips of Judge Whiting, 
stirred our clergyman with a righteous indignation that 
would convert that curse into a blessing. 

It is at this point that my eavesdropping comes in. I 
cannot say if it was in the latter part of 1869 or the early 
part of 1870 that I was sitting in the cars behind Dr. 
Bacon, and overheard — what do we not overhear invol- 
untarily on the train "? — his relation of Judge Whiting's 
unsociable wish for New England. '^ And I wish," contin- 
ued Dr. Bacon, 'Hhat we had a New England Society in 
Orange, that we might see who would then be left out in 
the cold ! " Weeks passed till one day I happened to meet 
my friend in Mr. John Wiley's bookstore, when I re- 
minded him of his desire, and offered, if he meant it 
seriously, to help him form a New England Society in 
Orange. The initiative properly fell to him, not only 
from his seniority, but from his long residence in this 
neighborhood and his commanding position and acquain- 
tance. He accepted it, seeing an omen in the fact that the 
year 1870 coincided with the 250th anniversary of the 
landing of the Pilgrim Fathers. 

On the evening of March 31, a dozen gentlemen, repre- 
senting " all the Oranges," met by invitation at the house 
of Mr. Oliver S. Carter, No. 83 Main Street, on the west 
corner of Cleveland. Of this apostolic number, seven 
were natives of Massachusetts (including a descendant of 
the Mayflower), two of Maine, two of Connecticut, and one 
of Vermont. They were : Messrs. Bacon, Carter, Gardner 
R. Colby, Davis Collamore, Daniel A. Heald, Frederic Ly- 



BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 11 

man, Lowell Mason, Jr., Thomas B. Merrick, David N. 
Ropes, Beujamin F. Small, William F. Stearns, and Wen- 
dell P. Garrison. Four, only, survive to-day, and but 
three reside here. Mr. Mason was appointed chairman, 
and the secretaryship fell to me. It was for Dr. Bacon to 
explain the object of the meeting, which he did, saying in 
substance that the proposed organization was '' to give 
currency and effect to those principles which we owe to 
the founders of New England, and to prove a permanent 
source of public spirit in Orange." Mr. Mason, referring 
to the example of Stockbridge, saw a field of usefulness 
in village improvements. Mr. Colby emphasized the need 
of a public library and a hall. Mr. Stearns would operate 
for the betterment of the public schools and against the de- 
grading political tendencies of the day. Mr. Collamore 
looked to a general revival of interest in local affairs. 
Such was the show of hands, if I may use the expression, 
and it was agreed that the aims of the Society should be 
(1) commemorative; (2) practical, "as striving to repro- 
duce the virtues of the Forefathers, together with their 
ideas and principles, and to foster and stimulate public 
spirit in the private citizen " ; (3) social ; (4) benevolent. 

A committee of six was appointed to frame a constitu- 
tion and by-laws. It consisted of Messrs. Heald, Carter, 
Bacon, Stearns, Mason, and Garrison, of whom three sur- 
vive. Its deliberations lasted more than a month. As a 
basis, it had the constitution of the New England Society 
of New York, and it at once began to better its instruc- 
tions. The New York Society at that time (it has grown 
more liberal since) admitted only New Englanders or sons 
of New Englanders. The Orange committee was not slow 
to perceive that, in a rural community like ours, such ex- 
clusiveness would savor of Pharisaism, and that it would, 
besides, cripple the public-spirited intent of the Society. 
Accordingly, not only was the "native, or the son of a 
native, of any of the New England States " welcomed to 
fellowship, but also " any other person who may sym- 
pathize mth the objects of this Society." Those objects 
were declared to be " to commemorate and foster the vir- 



12 BIRTH OF THE SOCIETY 

tues of the Fathers of New England, and to cultivate 
social relations among its members." 

I have never doubted the wisdom of this determination 
of the Committee, which was adopted by the Society, as 
would appear, without opposition or debate. The New 
England men who had peopled Orange in a second migra- 
tion, had no desire to stand aloof from their fellow-citizens 
or to set up for superior beings in any respect. To make 
still clearer our sense that they who bore the name of New 
England were not all of the household, we adopted as the 
motto of the Society St. Jerome's pointed rebuke to boast- 
ful pilgrims to the Holy Land : " Non Hierosolymis 
f uisse, sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse, laudandum est " ; 
that is, in the vernacular, " You may take credit not for 
having been in Jerusalem, but for having behaved your- 
self while there." 

"We anticipated, however, just what happened when we 
made character and not the accident of birth a test of ad- 
mission to membership. Some New Englanders scouted 
the designation as a misnomer. " A pretty New England 
Society that lets in Tom, Dick, and Harry from the Middle 
States, the West, even from continental Europe ! " We re- 
plied : " A New England Society may well be one to unite 
all who manifest and who reverence the New England 
spirit, the widest possible spread of which is certainly a 
desideratum." On the other hand, some non-New Eng- 
landers objected to repeating our shibboleth and marching 
under our banner. To them we replied that we were just 
as willing to commemorate and foster the virtues of their 
Fathers, or, for that matter, of anybody's Fathers, and 
that we thought it no great hardship and no degradation. 
We had chosen the New England name because it stood 
for a tolerably definite idea of public and private duty, and 
because we could rally to it at once the elite of a large body 
of New Englanders who had succeeded, after two hundred 
years, the pioneer settlers of Newark from Connecticut and 
Long Island. Other New England Societies, without ex- 
ception, had been established in partihus infidelinm. We 
planted ours in the midst of the Harrisons, the Days, the 



BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 13 

Williamses, the Piersons, the Condits, of our own stock, 
and therefore on a genuine New England fonndation. It is 
not more ridiculous (we concluded) to speak of ourselves, 
with our mixed membership, as a New England Societ}^ 
than it is to denominate " New England " a land peopled 
largely with Irish, Germans, and French Canadians. 

We have outlived these carpers, and the Constitution 
has remained unchanged. The By-laws have been repeat- 
edly overhauled, without, however, altering the essential 
nature of one standing committee which gave the second 
and more important stamp of originality to our enterprise. 
I refer to the Public Welfare Committee, whose definition 
has been much abbreviated as its activity and potency 
have developed ; and you will pardon me if I recall the 
idea of it as it lay in the minds and in the first draft of 
the founders : 

'' It shall be the duty of the Committee of Public Welfare to ex- 
amine such questions of general public interest as may from time 
to time arise. If, in their judgment, these questions are of suf- 
ficient importance to warrant their presentation to the Society, 
the Committee shall so submit them, with their opinions or rec- 
ommendations, for such action as the members may determine. 
All matters tending to promote the welfare and gi'owth of this 
community, to ensure good citizenship, and to guard against 
the encroachments of evil-minded, selfish, or ambitious persons 
in the government or management of public affairs, shall be 
considered questions of general public interest." 

Where shall we seek for the germ of this idea ? A bril- 
liant writer, the late Douglas Campbell, wrote a book to 
prove that the Dutch invented New England. He made 
a good showing, and it is a significant circumstance that 
the first edition of our By-laws — the very tii'st (there 
were two in 1870) — has for epigraph this extract from a 
freshly delivered address of James W. Beekman before 
the St. Nicholas Society of New York, on December 4, 1869 : 

*'The Dutch," said Mr. Beekman, "have a Society for the 
Public Good, as it is well named, having two hundred and 



14 BIRTH OF THE SOCIETY 

twenty branches and fourteen thousand members, who meet 
once a fortnight and consider the best means of promoting 
schools, asylums and hospitals. The discussion of politics and 
religious doctrine is prohibited. The measures agreed on are 
carried out in concert by the members." 

From this juxtaposition I infer that we have here the 
source of our notion of a Public Welfare Committee; just 
as I infer that the committee so styled of the present East 
Orange Improvement Society was suggested by our own. 
However this may be, sure I am that the most of what 
this community owes to the New England Society is ref- 
erable to this committee. Had we restricted our activity 
to an annual dinner, we should have been a nonentity. 
Even our monthly meetings, pleasant and useful as they 
have been, might have failed to keep the Society alive. 
The Public Welfare Committee put us immediately in 
touch with the life of "all the Oranges," and gave us a 
most effective instrument for making and guiding public 
opinion on public questions. There was never any pro- 
hibition in our Constitution or By-laws against " the dis- 
cussion of politics and religious doctrine," as Mr. Beekman 
reports of the Dutch Society. But, as a matter of fact, 
partisanship and sectarianism liave been strictly excluded, 
and I rate it one of the greatest services which the Society 
has rendered, that it has embraced men of all creeds and 
party attachments, without inquiring how they voted or 
what church they attended. Your church, your army, 
your political party, though iu itself a binding organiza- 
tion, is a separating force iu the commonwealth or the 
municipality; the New England Society has been a unit- 
ing force — the only perfectly catholic meeting-ground for 
men of approved character, without regard to nationality, 
or wealth, or occupation, or religious or party profession. 
The sole limitation has been in the extent of its member- 
ship, which in 1881, after the Society had ceased to be 
peripatetic and had occupied its present quarters in this 
building, was fixed at three hundred — a not illiberal 
fiorure. 



BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 15 

It would take me too long to rehearse the matters of 
public interest which have been discussed and acted upon 
by this Society. They have been iodexed by an indefati- 
gable secretary, Mr. Camillus Kidder, and the index is 
printed in the edition of our By-laws for 1891. You will 
find the burning questions of the present moment — con- 
solidation of the Oranges, and reform of the D. L. & W. 
Railroad — launched in the October and December meet- 
ings of our initial year. This hall in which we are as- 
sembled, aud which is the enduring monument of our 
brother-member, Mr. Everett Frazar, above all others, is 
distinctly the creation of the New England Society and 
the New England spirit. So is the Free Library — I re- 
gret that we cannot yet call it the Public Library as a 
city institution. Our own library and reading-room are 
among the civilizing influences of the town. We early 
made a substantial contribution to the books of reference 
of the High School. We have fostered lectures to a very 
large extent. We have published a History of Orange. 
We have given liberally to public charity. It is needless 
to speak of the Society's recent part in municipal affairs, 
never so vigorous or so effective though in the midst of a 
declining membership, and while the question is being 
asked for the thousandth time, "■ What shall be done to 
increase the interest in the Society!" My answer to that 
has alwaj^s been : We must not expect to escape periods 
of quiet, or that the Society shall live by excitement 
alone. Here is the tool ; have no fear that it will not be 
used when the hour and the man arrive together. 

Ladies and gentlemen, aud feUow-members of the New 
England Society, there is another fear which pertains to 
all organizations : it is that they may outgrow their origi- 
nal object, may be perpetuated as an end in themselves, 
and so be perverted to base uses. Such is the state of the 
case with both the great political parties of the present 
day ; and perhaps the thought occurred to some of you, 
as I ran over the disordered symptoms in our body politic 
a quarter of a century ago, that they bore a startling simi- 
larity to those which the past two years have made es- 



16 BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 

pecially manifest. Did not Tweed at least remind you of 
Croker? And yet how innocent-seeming was that Colum- 
bian Society of 1789, " whose purposes were at first social 
and charitable rather than political," and which became 
the Tammany Society in 1815. Or again, setting over 
against the traffic in West Point cadetships our latter-day 
wholesale barter of patriotism, how natural and com- 
mendable seemed the organization of a Grand Army of 
the Republic, which yet has been made the instrument of 
national bankruptcy through pension extravagance and 
folly. In our own little sphere, have we any reason to 
expect a perversion of the New England Society? For 
one, I see no signs of it, and have no dread of it. 

It would be grateful to my feelings to conclude these 
remarks with a tribute, however inadequate, to our be- 
loved dead — to commemorate briefly the wit of Vose, the 
ardor of Stearns, the judgment of Lowell Mason, the 
goodness of Ropes, the gentleness of Collamore, the geni- 
ality of Howe and Colby and Lyman ; to deplore afresh 
the loss of the Founder, cut oif in his prime in the first 
decade of the Society. Of the more recent dead, too, I 
would fain say a word — of George Hunting Brewer, the 
prompter of this quarter-century celebration ; of John 
Bowen Whiting, son of Judge Whiting, and an honor to 
his parentage. But my duty was to speak to you of a 
birth, and not of these inevitable decays, and we are met 
to rejoice in the perennial vitality of a body whose mem- 
bers are constantly changing. Proud should we be if this 
population in the midst of which we have firmly estab- 
lished ourselves, should note the fallings from our ranks 
with something of the sadness with which Judge Sewall 
penned this entry in his diary for January 21, 1697-8 : 
''It seems Captain Scottow died the last night. Thus the 
New England men drop away." 



PURITAN POLITICS. 
By Albert Bushnell Hart. 



Mr. President, ladies aud g-eutlemen of the New Eng- 
land Society : 

Thomas Hooker, the famous old Puritan, was said by a 
contemporary to have a temper like a mastiff dog, '' He 
could let out his dog . . . and pull in his dog." That 
sentence sums up two phases of Puritan character: the 
negative side of endurance and power of resistance ; and 
the positive side of force aud energy and construction. 
Yet it is only the first of these characteristics that enters 
much into our conception of the Forefathers. We love 
to dwell on their eudurauce of hardship, their grim watch- 
fulness against Indian foes, their steadfast insistence on 
the right to have and to practise their own religious faith, 
their implacable determination never to yield their civil 
liberty. They stood like the Protestant women confined 
for conscience' sake in the Tower of Constance at Aigues- 
Mortes, who drilled into the stone of their dungeon the 
brave word, "Resistez!" — Hold fast! That steadfastness 
is a splendid virtue ; but the Puritan knew also how " to 
let out his dog." They tell us that Puritan theology was 
frozen. It is true ; but frost is both a preservative and a 
reservoir of forces. We all know what happens when the 
springtime comes and the ice breaks up : it changes its 
rigid form, and the resultant water goes sweeping through 
distant valleys, blessing a dry and thirsty land. The 
Puritan ice-sheet has indeed retreated so far that even 

17 



18 PUKITAN POLITICS 

Andover Hill stands out greeu and sunny, and Presby- 
terian thistle-fields begin to thaw ; but if you examine 
the modern Congregational theology, you will find that 
it is changed only in form and not in substance. The 
chemical constituents of ice and water are still the same 
and will never change; so the oxygen and hydrogen of 
our polity are still what they were in Puritan times — on 
one side, man's duty to his God to stand fast against the 
world, the flesh, and the devil ; on the other, his duty to 
himself to make the world better. 

To-night, then, let the sons and daughters of New Eng- 
land turn to the positive, active side of Puritan character. 
Nowhere is it so clearly set forth as in their political life. 
They saved their souls with a certain rigidity, apparently 
half hoping that in the end they might be found worthy 
the distinction of being damned without the responsibility 
of deserving it. In politics they ventured to take enjoy- 
ment, and they developed a remarkable inventiveness, a 
resourcefulness, an individuality, an adaptation of means 
to ends, a yielding a part in order to gain the whole, a 
mastery over circumstances, which mark our Puritan 
ancestors as politicians in the true sense of the word — 
exeraplifiers of statecraft. 

First of all, the Puritans were political inventors ; more 
than that, they were innovators. It is hard to realize 
how little of what we consider the fundamentals of politi- 
cal life is really older than the Puritans. Town -meeting, 
a genuine representative system, limited legislative pow- 
ers, the committee system, party organization, the caucus, 
election combinations, the secret ballot — to all these 
things we are born as we are born to Minnesota flour, to 
steam sawmills, and to Tammany Hall. The Puritan 
was a much more self-reliant and inventive character ; he 
cut his own trees and built his house from the timbers 
with his own hands ; he grew his own corn and ground it 
for his nutriment. Just so, he made his own political and 
administrative machinery, and had in it all the delight of 
the discoverer. Puritan political institutions were neither 
an accident nor an afterthought. John Wiuthrop, and 



PURITAN POLITICS 19 

Hooker, and Roger Williams knew that they were en- 
dowing posterit}^ with their political inventions. In the 
midst of their seventeenth-century neighbors they were 
like the far-famed Neolithic man. 

" There was once a Neolithic man, an enteri^risingc wiglit, 
Who made his simple implements unusually bright. 
Unusually clever he, unusually brave. 
And he sketched delightful mammoths on the borders of his 

cave. 
To his Neolithic neighbors, who were startled and sm-prised, 
Said he : ' My friends, in course of time we shall be civihzed. 
We are going to live in cities and build churches and make 

laws; 
We are going to eat three times a day, without the natural 

cause ; 
We 're going to turn life upside down about a thing called 

gold; 
We 're going to want the earth, and take as much as we can 

hold; 
We 're going to wear a pile of stuff outside our proper skins ; 
We are going to have Diseases and Accomplishments and 

Sins ! ! ! ' ^ 
Then they all rose up in fiuy against then- boastful friend ; 
For prehistoric patience comes quickly to an end. 
Said one : ' This is chimerical, Utopian, absurd.' 
Said another, ' What a stupid life ! too dull, upon my 

word ! ' 
Cried all, ' Before such things can come, you idiotic child. 
You must alter Human Nature!'' and they all sat back and 

smiled. , 

Thought they, ' An answer to that last, it will be hard to 

find.' 
It was a cUnching argument — to the Neohthic mind." 

Out of the many forms of Neolithic New England rest- 
less and inventive political activity, four may be selected 
as especially characteristic of the Puritans — their repub- 
lican spirit ; their faculty for political organization ; their 
development of political machinery ; and their experience 
of written constitutions. 



20 PUIUTAN POLITICS 



I. 

Republican jf the Piiritans did not exactly alter human 
'^J^^it^tfvc ' nature, they were the first people, except per- 
Government. haps thc Swlss, to provc that human nature 
and popular representative government could be harmo- 
nized. The spirit of their Neolithic neighbors is well set 
forth in the criticism of the London Courier in 1813 — a 
generalization possibly affected by the naval successes of 
the Americans: "American statesmen are of a mixed 
breed, half metaphysicians and half politicians, and hence 
we never see anything enlarged in their conceptions or 
grand in their missions." The best commentary on such 
a generalization is this ringing extract from John Win- 
throp, written in 1645 : 

" Tills liberty is the proper end and object of authority, and 
cannot subsist without it ; and it is a liberty to that only which 
is good, just, and honest. This liberty you are to stand for, 
with the loss not only of your good but of your hves if need be. 
Whatsoever crosseth this is not authority, l)ut a distemper 
thereof. Tliis liberty is maintained and exercised in a way 
of subjection to authority ; it is of the same kind of hberty 
wherewith Christ hath made us free." 

It is indeed remarkable that the Puritans, though Eng- 
lishmen and sous of Englishmen, accustomed all their lives 
to the restrictions and the special privileges of rank, 
should have established a system of perfect political equal- 
ity as a basis of republican government. Yet the under- 
lying principles of the Puritan system were in their own 
minds simply an extension and application of English 
principles. Thus the same limited suffrage which in Eng- 
land was the basis of an oligarchy, in New England be- 
came the foundation of a theocratic republic. By that 
which by degenerate descendants is called an accident, but 
by the Puritans was boldly styled a " Wonder- Working 
Providence," the suffrage was widely diffused; for the 
usual condition of voting — freehold ownership of land — 
though rare in England, was very common over seas. 



PUKITAN POLITICS 21 

Whatever may be said of cheap coats, cheap land has been 
an endless blessing; for, without any change in legal prin- 
ciples, it brought a host of Puritan yeomen into the full 
activity of voting citizens. 

Distinctions of rank also quickly faded out in the colo- 
nies ; of the holders of titles, few eventually remained. 
Lord Say and Sele, Lord Brooke, Sir Richard Saltonstall, 
Sir Harry Vane, all returned to England; Sir William 
Phips founded no family ; Sir Edmund Andi'os found the 
climate uncongenial. The only attempt to create an Ameri- 
can nobility, that in the Carolinas, was a laughing-stock, 
and the whole machinery of Palatines, Palsgraves, and 
Caciques tumbled together before it ever went into oper- 
ation. Social distinctions there were : we are all famil- 
iar with the "placing" of the members of the classes in 
Harvard College till 1773. It was something to head the 
list as a Wigglesworth, a Hutchinson, a Dudley, a Wen- 
dell, a Hooper, a Pepperell, or a Winthrop ; it was some- 
thing different to head the rear of the procession as a 
Nehemiah Porter, or a Bezaleel Sherman, or a John Brown. 
But the students all ate the same coarse food, '' common- 
placed " on the same dull sermon-heads, and, in early days, 
were thrashed with the same cane. These dignities were 
but temporary, and not inheritable. "Heredity," says 
Gladstone, "seated as an idea in the heart's core of English- 
men, was as truly absent from the intellectual and moral 
store with which the colonists traversed the Atlantic, as if 
it had been some forgotten article in the bill of lading 
which made up their cargoes." The real aristocracy of 
early New England was the clergy; and to that high 
dignity any able and pious youth might aspire. Of 
this parson government John Winthrop in 1688 expressed 
his opinion in unmistakable terms, in discussing the Con- 
necticut system : 

" The main burden for managing of state businesses fell upon 
some one or other of their ministers, who, though they were men 
of singular wisdom and godliness, yet, stepping out of their 
course, their actions wanted that blessing which otherwise might 
have been expected." 



22 PUEITAN POLITICS 

Nevertheless, in his own colony, Winthrop was con- 
strained to observe in 1639 that " the elders had great 
power in the people's hearts, which was needful to be up- 
held, lest the people should break their bonds through 
abuse of liberty." 

We are not to suppose that the democratic tendency 
was, from the beginning, accepted as a matter of course. 
Winthrop found it to be one of the " errours " in the gov- 
ernment of Connecticut that "they chose divers scores 
men who had no learning nor judgment, which might fit 
them for those affairs, though otherwise men holy and re- 
ligious." Winthrop also much condemned the Reverend 
Nathaniel Ward for "grounding his propositions much 
upon the old Roman and Greek governments, which sure 
is an errour." Notwithstanding these protests and the 
efforts of the governor and assistants in Massachusetts to 
arrogate to themselves the right to make laws, the repub- 
lican spirit steadily gained ground till, in 1703, Quarry 
complained that "■ commonwealth notions improve daily, 
and if it be not checked in time, the rights and privileges 
of English subjects will be thought too narrow." 

The glory of establishing democratic institutions in 
little commonwealths is not peculiar to the Puritans. 
They must share it with the Greek and Italian and Ger- 
man cities, with the Swiss cantons and the English par- 
ishes. We may, however, reasonably claim for them the 
magnificent invention of a practical representative sys- 
tem, based on democracy. A genial German professor, to 
whose lectures upon international law I once listened, one 
day asserted that mankind is divided into three classes : 
"First, those who are the disciples of the philosopher 
Hegel and are proud of it ; secondly, those who are Hegeli- 
ans and protest against it ; thirdly, those who are Hegelians 
without knowing it." So it may be said of the nations of 
the civilized world, that some, like the Puritan common- 
wealths and their descendants, are republics and are proud 
of it ; that some, like France, are republics and protest 
against it; and that some, like England, are republics 
without knowing it. 



PUEITAN POLITICS 23 

With the experience of two hundred and fifty years, we 
find it hard to realize how much creative work the fore- 
fathers did in perfecting the details of a republican sys- 
tem. For instance, it seems natural to us that every part 
of the State should be represented in a legislature, and 
that districts of equal population should have approxi- 
mately the same number of representatives. Yet in Eng- 
land, at the time of colonization and for two centuries 
thereafter, many cities were wholly unrepresented, and 
hamlets had the same number of members as London or 
Bristol. 

The first business of the little Puritan communities was 
to control their own legislation. The general assemblies 
were early discontinued as unwieldy; then the deputies 
who appeared to represent the people, demanded and ob- 
tained a right to take equal part with the magistrates in 
making laws. Vainly did John Winthrop resist this ten- 
dency. In 1644 the deputies demanded of the magistrates 
to take no further action till the General Court should 
again assemble. " To this," he says, '' was answered that 
if occasion required, they must act according to the power 
and trust committed to them ; to which their speaker re- 
plied, '■ You will not be obeyed.' " 

The privileges of an upper house of the assembly were, 
however, successfully maintained by Winthrop and his 
associates ; and thus the system of bi-cameral legislatures 
was founded in the New England colonies, and thereby 
introduced into our national government. The test came 
in 1634 on the question of letting Hooker and his company 
depart to Connecticut. 

" Upon this grew a great differeuce between the governour and 
assistants, and the deputies. They would not yield the assistants 
a negative voice, and the others (considering how dangerous it 
might be to the commonwealth, if they should not keep that 
strength to balance the greater number of the deputies) thought 
it safe to stand upon it. So when they could proceed no further, 
the whole court agreed to keep a day of humiliation to seek the 
Lord, which accordingly was done. 

" And it pleased the Lord so to assist him and to bless his own 



24 PURITAN POLITICS 

ordinance, that the affairs of the conrt went on cheerfully : and 
although all were not satisfied about the negative voice to he 
left to the magistrates, yet no man moved aught about it." 

In the choice of the chief magistrates of the New England 
colonies by popular vote, the Puritans were setting a new 
example, and laying the foundation for the American sys- 
tem of governors chosen independently of the legislatures 
and not subject to their control. That system, now 
worked out in forty-four States and in the national Gov- 
ernment, competes with the system of parliamentary re- 
sponsibility ; and its success in comparison is well summed 
up in Sir Henry Maine's criticism of the present parlia- 
mentary regime in France : " The old kings of France 
reigned and governed. The constitutional king, according 
to M. Thiers, reigns but does not govern. The President 
of the United States governs, but he does not reign. It 
has been reserved for the President of the French Republic 
neither to reign, nor yet to govern." 

II. 

Next to the successful working out of their 
Political or- pepubliean and representative system, comes the 

ganization. ^ ^ . , 

Puritan faculty of political organization. They 
had to construct the ship of state and to navigate her too. 
And they were shrewd political sailors, knowing how to 
lie close to the wind of royal favor, and how to beat 
against the currents of ministerial control. In their inven- 
tive skill, their ability to form combinations and to reach 
their ends by lawful discussion and legislation, they were 
the Reeds and Roosevelts, the Carlisles and Russells, of 
their day. 

No people, not even the Greeks, have ever had a greater 
fondness for popular meetings of various kinds. In fact, 
in 1636, Winthrop complains of the university extension 
of his time, that ''there were so many lectures now in the 
country, and many poor persons would usually resort to 
two or three in the week, to the great neglect of their 



PUKITAN POLITICS 25 

affairs, and the damage of the publick." Hardly had the 
colony of Massachusetts Bay beeu established when the 
question arose of holding church meetings and conferences. 
In 1636 exception was taken to a fortnightly meeting of 
ministers. The apparent cause was, 

"As fearing it might grow in time to a presbytery or super- 
intendeney, to the prejudice of the chtirclies' liberties. But this 
fear was without cause ; for they were all clear in that point, 
that no chui'ch or person can have power over another church ; 
neither did they in their meetings exercise any such jurisdiction, 
&c." 

The fear disappeared, and from that time there were 
solemn assemblies like that of 1636 for the ordination of 
Mr. Shepard of Cambridge : 

'' Then the elder desu'ed of all the churches, that, if they did 
approve them to be a church, they would give them the right hand 
of fellowship. Whereupon, Mr. Cotton, (upon short speech with 
others near him,) in the name of their chui'ches gave his hand 
to the elder, with a short speech of their assent, and desired the 
peace of the Lord Jesus to be with them." 

They also held proprietors' meetings, to divide and ad- 
minister the town lands. The foundation of our modern 
park systems was laid in such votes as that of the town- 
meeting of Providence, which, in 1704, enacted that a cer- 
tain tract '' shall be and continually remain in comon for 
the use and benefit of the people aforesaid." 

The most interesting of these gatherings was of course 
the town-meeting. The variety of business, personal, po- 
litical, and economic, which these forest statesmen carried 
on, is well illustrated by an extract from the Boston town 
records of 1731 : 

" After prayer by the Rev* m' John Webb, 

*' Habijah Savage Esq' was chose to be Moderator for 
this meeting. 

" Proposed to Consider About Reparing m"" Nathauiell Wil- 
liams His Kitchen &c — 



26 PUEITAN POLITICS 

*' In answer to the Earnest Desire of the Honoivrable House 
of Representatives — 

" Voted an Entire Satisfaction in the Town in the hxte 
Conduct of their Representatives in Endeavoring to pre- 
serue their Valual)le Priviledges, And Pray their fm-ther 
Endeavors therein — 

" Voted. That the Afair of Repairing of the WharfP lead- 
ing to the North Battrey, be left with the Selectmen to do 
therein as they Judge best — " 

The colouial legislatures were hardly less entertaiuing. 
Although in 1635, iu the famous reconciliation between 
Winthrop and Dudley, one of the conditions was 'Hhat 
trivial things &c should be ordered in towns &c/' the 
General Courts in Massachusetts did not lack business. 
Thus, in 1634, 

" Many things were there agitated and concluded, as fortify- 
ing in Castle Island, Dorchester, and Chai'lestown ; also against 
tobacco and costly apparel, and immodest fashions ; and com- 
mittees appointed for setting out bounds of towns ; with divers 
other matters which do not appear on record." 

In all these meetings they were developing our present 
system of parliamentary practice, including some devices 
which are thought particularly modern. For instance, 
committees appear in the Boston records as early as 1640, 
and i^layed an important part down to the famous entry 
of November 2, 1773, when ''it was moved by M' Samuel 
Adams, That a Committee of Correspondence be ap- 
pointed." In fact, the representatives in Massachusetts 
were originally committees appointed by the towns. 



III. 

All these text-book commonplaces have their 
MacMnery. P^^H^ose iu leading up to the third department 
of Puritan activity, namely, to their political 
machinery. It is a mere platitude to say that our fore- 
fathers were free from the evils of self-seeking political 



PUEITAN POLITICS 27 

combinations and obscure methods. Like some other plati- 
tudes, however, it is not true. For instance, elaborate sys- 
tems for nominating candidates date back to the beginning 
of colonial history. Thus, in 1G35, when Ludlow, the late 
deputy, was left out of the magistracy, ^' the reason was 
partly because the people would exercise their absolute 
power, &c, and partly upon some speeches of the deputy, 
who protested against the election of the govern our as void, 
for that the deputies of the several towns had agreed upon 
the election before they came, &c." In 1639, the governor 
and magistrates ventured to propound three names, 
" amongst which, Mr. Downing, the governour's brother- 
in-law, was one, — and therefore, though he were known 
to be a very able man, — yet the people would not choose 
him." In 1643, nominations were made " by a company of 
freemen, whereof the most were deputies chosen for the 
court." The system of official nominations was, through- 
out the history of Connecticut, a part of the governmental 
machinery. In the election of magistrates, preliminary 
ballots were invariably cast in the town-meetings, foi*- 
warded to Hartford, and there counted before the Assem- 
bly. The twenty highest names were then certified back 
to the town-meetings, and at a second election they voted 
for twelve out of the twenty, of whom the twelve highest 
were declared chosen. These systems are the preliminary 
of the State nominating convention, which, however, did 
not appear till after the Revolution. 

The caucus, also, was not left for us to invent. Sewall 
records that in 1685 there was a " meeting of Boston free- 
men to chuse a treasurer of the country," and the next 
March, in his account of the Anniversary Town Meeting, 

'' The govern our seems to mention it with some concernment 
that the 18, said to be of the Commission, are pubhckly to be 
seen at the Notaries ; so there is a nomination before we put in 
votes." 

But the foundation of our present caucus system cannot 
be traced back of about 1724, when, according to Gordon, 
the father of Samuel Adams and twenty others " would 



28 PUKITAN POLITICS 

furnish themselves with ballots including the names of 
the parties fixed upon, which they distributed on the day 
of election. In like manner it was that Mr. Samuel Adams 
first became a representative of Boston." John Adams, in 
his diary for February, 1763, records : 

'^ This day learned that the Caucus Club meets at certain times 
in the Garrett of Tom Dawes, — there they smoke tobacco till 
you cannot see from one end of the Garrett to the other. There 
they drink flip I suppose. And there they chuse a Moderator who 
puts questions to the vote regularly; and selectmen, assessors, 
collectors, fire-wards and representatives are regularly chosen, 
before they are chosen in the town." 

The next year, 1764, appeared the following warily 
worded appeal : 

" To the Freeholders : 

'' Modesty preventing a personal application (customary in 
other places) for your interest to elect particular persons to be 
your representatives ; we therefore request your votes for those 
gentlemen who have steadily adhered to your interest in times 
past, especially in the affair of trade, by sending timely instruc- 
tions, requested by our agent, relating to Acts of Trade late 
pending in Parliament. 

"Your humble servants, 

"The Caucus." 

It was the North End caucus in Boston which, in 1773, 
voted that they '' would oppose with their lives and for- 
tunes the selling of any tea that might be sent to the 
town for sale by the East India Company." 

The elections were by no means so quiet and brotherly as 
we have been led to suppose. From my house I look out 
upon a spot on Cambridge Common where once stood the 
Vane tree. Under that tree in 1636 was held the first hotly 
contested election in Massachusetts ; and the proceedings 
irresistibly remind one of a New York State Convention 
of the present day. Governor Vane, as presiding officer, 
for some time declined to put the question for proceeding 



PUEITAN POLITICS 29 

to election, and then refused to proceed fnrther. The re- 
sult was that Sir Harry Vane was " turned down/' as we 
should say now, or, as John Wiuthrop more delicately 
puts it : " Mr. Vane, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Dummer, 
(being- all of that faction), were left quite out." The meet- 
ing nearly became a precedent for disorders with which 
we are too familiar; for, says Winthrop, "there was great 
danger of a tumult that day ; for those of that side grew 
into fierce speeches, and some laid hands on others ; but 
seeing themselves too weak, they grew quiet." 

Evidences of sharp political practice in elections are un- 
happily not wanting. At this very election of 1636 — 

"Boston having deferred to chuse deputies . . . went home that 
night, and the next morning they sent Mr. Vane, the late gov- 
eruom-, and Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Hoffe for their deputies ; 
but the court, being grieved at it, found a means to send them 
home again, for that two of the freemen of Boston had not no- 
tice of the election. So they went all home, and the next morn- 
ing they retui-ned the same gentlemen again upon a new choice ; 
and the court not finding how they might reject them, they 
were admitted." 

Sewell, in 1695, admits that he acted as a ticket peddler: 

" I had got a Printed List of all the Councillors names except 
the Judges, that might serve for a Nomination, and indented 
them with Scissors, and so every one took as it pleased him, 
and put into Mr. Secretaries Hat." 

Even in innocent Cambridge in 1721 Samuel Smith and 
Daniel Gookin were obliged to make oath that they had 
not put in each two votes for representative. The most 
notable example is the experience of the Boston town- 
meeting on the proposition to sell part of the burying- 
ground to the wardens and vestry of King's Chapel, for 
an enlargement : 

"And the Inhabitants proceeded to bring in then- votes, & 
when the Selectmen were Receiving 'em at the Door of the Hall 
they observed one of the Inhabitants Vizt ; John Pigeon to put 



30 PURITAN POLITICS 

in about a dozen with the word Yea wrote on all of 'em and be- 
ing charged with so doing he acknowledged it, & was there- 
upon ordered by the Moderator to pay a Fine of Five Pounds 
for putting in more than one Vote according to Law, and the 
Moderator thereupon Declared to the Inhabitants that they must 
withdraw and bring in their votes again as before dh-ected." 



Upon the second ballot, however, the question was 
carried again. 

Women had a part in colonial politics rather more im- 
portant than they have ever obtained since those days. The 
Autinomian struggle in 1635 is remarkable for the ap- 
pearance of the first woman politician in America. It is 
a matter of wonder that the authorities of the new college 
in Cambridge, when they sought the name of a woman 
connected with early colonial history with which to dig- 
nify their institution, did not choose, instead of the ob- 
scure Ann Radcliffe, the better known, able, fearless and 
well-educated lady whom Winthrop characterizes as " one 
Mrs. Hutchinson, a member of the church of Boston, a 
woman of a ready wit and bold spirit." Her name would 
have been the symbol of the woman who does not need a 
man to tell her what to believe. 

Winthrop, it ought to be noted, had no high opinion of 
women's colleges ; for it is he who has made immortal the 
wife of Governor Hopkins : 

" Mr. Hopkins, the governoiu- of Hartford upon Connecticut, 
came to Boston and brought his wife with him, who was faUen into 
a sad infirmity, the loss of her imderstanding and reason, which 
had been growing upon her divers years, by occasion of her giv- 
ing herself wholly to reading and wi'iting, and had written many 
books. Her husband being very loving and tender of her, was 
loath to grieve her ; but he saw his errour when it was too late. 
For if she had attended her household affairs, and such things 
as solely belong to women, and had not gone out of her way and 
calling to meddle in such things as are proper for men, whose 
minds are stronger, &c, she had kept her wits and might have 
improved them usefully and honourably in the place God had 
set her." 



PUEITAN POLITICS 31 

Upon Mrs. Hntcliinson and her friends the Puritans 
practised a process which in their minds was singularly 
like what is now termed " reading out of the party." 
This is not the place to consider the moral effect on the 
coinmunit}^ of the suppression of free thought on religious 
questions. Nor is there any place where intolerance and 
persecution may rightfully be defended ; but it is fair to 
say that the Puritans have not been the only people to 
practise the intolerable doctrine that public spirit is not 
to be found in " the other party." 

Another influence which has been supposed to be peculiar 
to our day and generation was the "political boss." That 
he was not unknown to the Puritans, of the eighteenth 
century at least, is ijroved by the repeated reference of 
the Boston town-meeting to " The Honble Samuel Adams, 
Esq." ; and John Hancock was as well known for his deft 
political deals as for his magnificent signature, and his 
obstinate withholding of the funds which came into his 
hands as Treasurer of Harvard College. No two events 
in American history were more significant and beneficent 
than the adoption of the Massachusetts Constitution of 
1780, and the ratification of the Federal Constitution in 
1788 by the Massachusetts Convention, Must the de- 
scendants of Puritans tell the truth about Puritans? 
Neither of these events could have been brought about by 
any other process than a " deal " by which John Hancock 
was to become or to remain Governor of the Common- 
wealth. In the unrefined language of the period, he in- 
timated to the advocates of the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution that he would appear in its favor *'if they 
would make it worth his while." 

But if there were demagogues and wii'e-pullers, there 
were not wanting also the clerical denouncers of spiritual 
wickedness in high places. In 1776 Rev. Thomas Allen 
of Pittsfield, the Parkhurst of his time, declared publicly 
that " the present condition of the country is oppressive, 
defective, and ought not to be submitted to " : and it was 
not submitted to. 

The Puritans perfectly understood the value of party 



32 PUKITAN POLITICS 

leaderships. They went so far as to evolve the political 
steering committee and the party caucus, though not till 
just before the Revolution. What were the Committees of 
Correspondence but colonial " State Committees " in charge 
of a campaign? They also developed the system which 
some people suppose was new with Speaker Reed in Con- 
gress — the system of management and direction of the 
Assembly by the Speaker. Perhaps the most notable of 
these officials was John Leverett, later President of Har- 
vard, who was the able Speaker of the General Court in 
1700. One of his students complained that Leverett's 
class " was obliged to rise at four o'clock in the winter 
mornings, that Mr. Leverett might seasonably attend the 
General Court at Boston." About this time arose an in- 
teresting instance of what we now call " putting the Gov- 
ernor in a hole." In 1723 the orthodox party, alarmed, as 
it has chi-onically been for two centuries, by the too liberal 
attitude of Harvard College, devised what I must regard 
as a very laudable political scheme — the swamping of the 
existing Corporation of the College by adding to it the 
tutors. A bill to this effect passed both houses and was 
sent up to Governor Shute for his approval. That wily 
statesman was no more to be caught by such a device than 
would be the present governor under like circumstances. 
He approved the bill : '' provided Mr. Benjamin Wads- 
worth, and the Rev. Mr, Benjamin Colman, and the Rev. 
Mr. Appleton are not removed by said orders, but still re- 
main Fellows of the Corporation." In vain did the Gen- 
eral Court protest that his proviso " has a tendency en- 
tirely to defeat the design and purpose of those votes." 
The Corporation remained, and still remains, deprived of 
the invaluable participation of the professors. 

That the Puritans perfectly understood political man- 
agement and knew how to take advantage of the awk- 
wardness of their opponents was shown by two incidents 
in the history of the early Massachusetts Government. 
The charter of Massachusetts Bay was plainly intended for 
a trading corporation ; that corporation had its quarterly 
meeting of stockholders called the *' Quarter Court," and 



PUEITAN POLITICS 33 

its annual meeting called the'' General Court." By a bold, 
shrewd, and justifiable use of the letter of the law, the 
Puritans brought over that charter to be the framework 
of the government of a commonwealth, which made laws, 
which made war, and which eventually decided to make a 
union. When, in 16(54, Royal Commissioners came over to 
investigate the Massachusetts Government with a view to 
annulling the charter, they were politely informed by the 
Massachusetts authorities that, under the charter, there 
was no provision for such investigation, and that, there- 
fore, there would be no hearings ; and the Commissioners 
returned discomfited, with what we should now call " leave 
to withdraw." 

These instances of the political instinct of the Fore- 
fathers might be many times multiplied ; but they serve 
their purpose if they put once clearly before yonr minds 
the remembrance of the gifts which they made to their 
country and the world through their unrivalled skill in 
practical government. Fortunately we have their exam- 
ple, and, I trust, their spirit, to practise politics on the 
broad principles which they laid down — to maintain the 
true republican government of the people, and not of 
leaders only ; to use parties as not abusing them, by con- 
sidering them a means to an end ; to support the rights 
both of the States and the Union ; to discuss and legislate 
openly and in good temper ; and to yield peaceably when 
the majority is against us. 

IV. 

It is fashionable nowadays to argue that the constitution- 
Puritans were not originators, but imitators, making, 
and that they did not even imitate their own fathers; 
that popular government and Congregational polity and 
free schools came over from Holland. Of course, it is pos- 
sible that the Puritans learned something from the Dutch. 
A Yankee and a Dutchman could not so much as exchange 
a barrel of mackerel for a case of Holland gin without 
each learning the other's sharpness in a bargain. But 



34 PURITAN POLITICS 

when it comes to government, I am struck with the gener- 
ous but impracticable character of the Dutch people in New 
York. It was good of them to endow New England with 
principles of liberty and popular government, but why 
did not the Dutch colonies keep a few of these good things 
for themselves? And why do their descendants need so 
much good Puritan precept and example and admoni- 
tion before they rescue the city of New York from the 
hands of brigands'? Perhaps the idea of the Cambridge 
ecclesiastical synod of 1637 may have been suggested by 
the Synod of Dort of 1618 ? But if it was Dutch liberty 
to lay down eighty-two heretical propositions against which 
the faithful were warned, I should have preferred New 
England liberty ; and certainly the resolution of that 
Cambridge synod smacks more of Holland than of Eng- 
land, for by it a " set assembly of women " in Boston to 
study the Scripture and "to expound it prophetically" 
was " agreed to be disorderly and without rule." 

Clearly the Puritan's polity, ecclesiastical and political, 
was English in its origin; they had four broad corner- 
stones for their political system, and not one of them was 
peculiarly Dutch. In the first place, they built on the 
Scriptural basis of obedience to just authority ; in the 
second place, they adopted Calvin's theory of the indepen- 
dent locally organized church, and that principle also per- 
meated their town government; in the third place, they 
knew and j)ractised Thomas Browne's far-reaching theory 
that magistrates receive their authority "by the consent 
or choice of the people ; " in the fourth place, they devised 
and practised the limitations of a written constitution. 
These, then, were their principles: Order; Individuality; 
Popular Government; Constitutional Restriction. These 
principles were woven into the vote of the Massachusetts 
General Court in 1635 : 

" The deputies having conceived great danger to our state, in 
regard that our magistrates, for want of positive laws, in many 
cases might proceed according to tlien discretions, it was agi'eed 
that some men should be appointed to frame a body of grounds 



PURITAN POLITICS 35 

of laws, in resemblance to a Magna Charta, which, being' al- 
lowed by some of the ministers, and the general court, should be 
received for fundamental laws." 

The Fundamental Orders of Connecticut of 1638 detailed 
the first written constitution ever made by the people in 
any land under the sun. Having once laid down this 
doctrine of popular rights and crystallized it in a popular 
constitution, the Puritans never drew back until they had 
reached the ripe fruits of their labors. Constitution-mak- 
ing by a convention chosen for that purpose, and its work 
to be ratified bj^ a popular vote, is a Puritan invention. 

One of the most remarkable Puritan discoveries in pol- 
itics was their experiment in federal government. There 
were other existent federations in 1643, but there is no 
proof that the Forefathers copied them. The New England 
Confederation was therefore a creation ; it lasted forty 
years, and broke only against the ill-will of the mother 
country. To that union I feel a special debt of gratitude 
because of its fostering interest in Harvard College. In 
1644 the Commissioners commended 

''to the freedome of every famyly (wch is able and willing to 
give) throughout the plantations to give yearly but the fourth 
part of a bushel of corn or something equivalent there vnto . . . 
so it would be a blessed means of provision for the dyett of 
divers such studients as may stand in need of some support." 

They contributed not only "dyett"; they furnished a 
student to consume some of it. From 1654 to 1662 they 
devoted several portions of their valuable sessions to one 
John Stanton, whom they supported while pursuing his 
studies at and in the College, in preparation to be a mis- 
sionary to the Indians. Being informed that ''John doth 
greatly neglect his Studdy, and hath committed many 
other misdemeanors," and " finally had absented himselfe 
from the College without the consent and contrary to the 
mind of the Commissioners/' they thrice gave him solemn 
warning to "apply himself seriously to studdy that in 

5 



36 PUKITAN POLITICS 

God's time he may be better furnished for Imployment in 
the worke." These are but two examples of the lesser ac- 
tivity of the Commissioners of the United Colonies. 

They had far broader federal functions, and even ven- 
tured to check the insubordination of Massachusetts when 
the colony roundly threatened secession, and, 

'' having perused the grounds and reasons moving thereunto, 
presented to us in their papers, do not see sufficient ground either 
from any obligation of the English towards the Long Islanders, 
or fi-om the usage the messengers received fi'om the Indians, or 
from any other motive presented unto our consideration or from 
aU of them ; and therefore dare not to exercise our authority to 
levy force within our Jurisdiction to undertake a present war 
against the said Ninnegrett." 

Though the Confederation ceased and was forgotten, 
the practical political sagacity which founded it was again 
illustrated in the Congress of Albany, the Stamp Act Con- 
gress, and the Continental Congresses. 

The rugged principles of Puritan politics showed out 
clearly in the Revolutionary crisis. Take the sturdy decla- 
ration of popular freedom in the Cambridge votes of 1773 : 

" That this town can no longer stand idle spectators, but are 
ready on the shortest notice, to join with the town of Boston, 
and any other towns in any measures that may be thought 
proper, to deliver ourselves and posterity from slavery." 

And when, just before the Declaration of Independence, 
the town was asked whether it would support Congress in 
such a measure, the Cambridge town-meeting unanimously 
and solemnly engaged such support with their lives and 
fortunes. Let New England and the New England Soci- 
ety rejoice to-night that they had a State-creating ancestry, 
from which sprang such ringing declarations as that of 
the Cambridge town-meeting of 1765 : 

" That the inhabitants of this province have a legal right to all 
the natural, inherent, constitutional rights of Englishmen, not- 



PURITAN POLITICS 3/ 

withstanding their distance from Great Britain, and that the 
Stamp Act is an infringement upon their rights. . . . Let this 
Act but once take place, Liberty will be no more . . . and 
Poverty comes upon us as an armed man. The Town therefore 
hereby advise and direct their representatives by no means 
whatsoever to do any one thing that may aid said Act in its op- 
eration ; but that . . . they use their utmost endeavors that the 
same may be repealed ; and that this vote may be recorded in 
the Town Books, that the children yet unborn may see the desire 
that their ancestors had for their freedom and happiness." 



NEW ENGLAND. 

By Frederic Lawrence Knowles. 



Cold was the morn, and cheerless was the shore, 

When our brave fathers, tyrant-hunted, erst 
Unlocked the future's inauspicious door, 

And, bold of brow, trod Freedom's threshold first. 
Brave hearts ! beneath the strait-laced garb of sect 

Beat bosoms warmed by fli-es not lit on earth, 
And the real man — supreme, secure, erect — 

Gave to an iron creed its human worth. 
The cold frosts fell relentless on the grain, 

The cunning savage lurked by rock and tree. 
No sound was heard in that lone, desolate plain 

Save, on the rocks, the cursings of the sea. 
Yet, om* fathers, how youi' hands were stayed ! 
The Pilgrim's God was with you — ye were unafraid ! 

n. 

And we, the scions of a softer age. 

The latest birth of Progress and slow Time — 
Are we not heirs of that high heritage. 

And sharers in that toil, that fame sublime "? 
Ours be the virtues which did once endow 

Those forest-conquering heroes, dauntless, free. 
By the long, treacherous cape which, then as now. 

With gaunt, crooked finger beckoned to the sea. 
Tell us, ye stars, that watched their lonely fires. 

Yea, watch each generation as it runs — 



NEW ENGLAND 39 

The witness of their prayers, and our desires 

High as their own — say, are we not their sons ? 
Shall not the virtues which have made them great 
Rule, animate, enthrall our hearts, control our State *? 

III. 

Thou art the rough nui'se of a hero-brood, 

New England, and theii* mighty limbs by thee 
Were fashioned — they, the bards, the warriors rude. 

Whom Time hath dowered with fame imperishably. 
But not alone for this I love thee ; I 

On thy bare mother-breast have laid my head. 
And drunk the cool, deep silence, while the sky, 

Confederate of my joy, laughed o'er my bed. 
Thus have I lain till half I seemed a part — 

At least to my own mood — of Natiu-e's plan ; 
The very landscape crept into my heart. 

And they were one — the sense, the soul, of man ; 
My kinship with life's myriad forms I knew : — 
Worms in the world of green, wings in the world of blue ! 

rv. 

Nor less I loved thee in those hours of blight 

When winter fell upon thee like a sleep ; 
Again I watch along the drifted white 

The dark triangle of the snow-plough sweep, 
Behold the oxen draw the creaking sled. 

Hear the sharp sleet mock June upon the pane, 
See the wise village prophets shake the head 

While through the elms the witless winds complain. 
Ah, in those hours, native hills ! I know 

Alert beneath thy guise of seeming-dead 
The roots are warm, the saps of summer flow, 

The wings of immortality are bred ! 
In all tilings reigns one immanent Control : 
The life beneath the snow, the Life within my soul ! 



Then hail, ye hills ! like rough-hewn temples set. 
With granite beams, upon this earth of God ! 

Austerer halls of worship never yet 
Had feet of Puritan or Pilgrim trod : 



40 NEW ENGLAND 

Abrupt Chocorua, Greylock's hoary height, 

Katahdin (name that Music makes her own), 
Storied Mouadnock, and, in loftier flight, 

Thou, rising to the eternal heavens, alone — 
Thy Sun-wooed sisters, less diviuely proud, 

Bribed to compliance by their suitors gold — 
Thou, wrapt in thy stern drapery of a cloud. 

Chaste, passionless, inviolably cold. 
Mount Washington ! sky- shouldering, freedom-crowned. 
Compatriot with the breakless blue above, around ! 



And hail, ye waters ! w^hether, mountain-locked. 

The timid lake shines in the valley's palm. 
Where strident human discord never mocked 

With a.lien clamor the primeval calm ; 
Or whether streams insistent to the sea 

Urge their impatient way, till far behind 
The hills are left, and, black with industry. 

Through long, low meadow-lands their path they wind. 
O'er stream and lake alike the slight canoe, 

Graceful though forest-born, once found its course, 
By dark hands guided which the war-axe knew — 

Hands skilled in dexterous craft and fearless force. 
Now by those waters blue the warriors sleep ; 
The still heights taciturn the destined secret keep ! 

VII. 

Perished that forest-nurtured race ; the winds 

Have scattered past recall their nameless dust. 
Forerunners they of more heroic kinds, 

The harsh Fates slew them, but the Fates were just. 
Thou more intrepid brood ! these hills were thine 

Which had been theirs, valiant elder band ! 
Let us in our unventurous ease, supine, 

Spare those a thought who met the time's demand, 
Ploughed these unwilling plains, these woodlands cleared, 

The sous of God because the sons of Toil, 
Who in this wilderness their temples reared, 

But knew no shrine more sacred than their soil. 
When tyranny this freeman-breed defied, 
Through the black lips of death-tuned cannon they replied ! 



NEW ENGLAND 41 

VIII. 

Who was it, when the British thimders broke, 

And Western Conquest staggered to her fall — 
Who was it then unchained tlie tjTant-yoke ? 

Oh answer, memory-haunted Faneuil Hall ! 
And when our North was menaced by her foes, 

Blind with the lust of gold, " deaf as the sea," 
Though bondsmen i)lead for pity, who arose 

And sundered first those shackles — who but thee ? 
All- sheltering as a mother, thou didst stand. 

New England, with thy arms outstretched to save ; 
Europe, the prairied West, on either hand, 

And, chnging to thy garment's hem, the slave ! 
And shall we love thee less whom, at thy shrine, 
Our sires pledged in their hearts' best blood — that costliest 
wine? 

IX. 

Nay ! though we wander where against the sky 

The sun-burnt leagues of low plain stretch away, 
Or where on silver coasts the warm waves sigh 

And Cahfornian winters mimic May, 
We still are thine ; and in oiu- sad, fond dream, 

They rest again — these poor, tired feet that roam : 
We see the farm, the orchard, and the stream, 

And, rising to the heavens, the hills of home. 
The quest of gain has called us from thy breast, 

Our common mother ! but the noisy mart 
Can never drown the inner voice of rest ; 

The child's pure peace still harbors in om' heart. 
Though far our footsteps stray, though years be long, 
The kindred loves of heaven and home shall keep us strong ! 



APPENDIX 



OFFICERS 

OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY, 

1870-1895. 

(Au asterist marks tlie deceased.) 



PRESIDENTS. 



*LowELL Mason, .Jr., 1870, 71. 

Daniel A. Heald, 1872, 73. 
*David N. Ropes, 1874-76. 
*Henry a. Howe, 1877. 
* Gardner R. Colby, 1878, 79. 

Everett Frazab, 1880, 81. 

Frank F. Ellinwood, 1882, 
83. 



Henry Graves, 1884, 85. 
William A. Brewer, Jr., 

1886, 87. 
James C. Bayles, 1888, 89. 
James S. Cox, 1890, 91. 
Henry F. Hitch, 1892. 
John 0. Heald, 1893, 94. 
William R. Howe, 1895. 



VICE-PRESIDENTS. 



Daniel A. Heald, 1870, 71, 
75-83. 

Oliver S. Carter, 1870, 71, 
74, 79, 80. 
*LowELL Mason, Jr., 1872. 
*George B. Bacon, 1872-76. 
*David N. Ropes, 1873, 81, 82. 
* Gardner R. Colby, 1877. 

Henry A. Page, 1878. 
*Lewis B. Henry, 1883. 



William A. Brewer, Jr., 

1884, 85. 
Robert H. Atwateb, 1884-86. 
James C. Bayles, 1886, 87. 
James S. Cox, 1887-89. 
Edward E. Quimby, 1888. 
Henry F. Hitch, 1889-91. 
John 0. Heald, 1890, 91. 
William R, Howe, 1892-94. 
Charles H. Mann, 1893-95. 



Isaac E. Gates, 1895. 



46 



OFFICERS 



COUNSELLORS. 



*Gardner R. Colby, 1870-72, 

74-7G, 80. 
*David N. Ropes, 1870-72, 77- 

80, 83-85. 
* William F.Stearns, 1870-73. 
Benjamin F. Metcalf, 1870. 
William A. Brewer, Jr., 

1870, 71. 
Benjamin Shepard, 1870, 71. 
William Pierson, Jr., 1871. 
Oliver S. Carter, 1872, 73, 

76-78, 81-84. 
*J0HN O. Vose, 1872-74. 
*Davis Collamore, 1872, 73, 

75-78. 
*LowELL Mason, Jr., 1873-83. 
*Henry a. Howe, 1873, 74, 
76-80. 
Daniel A. Heald, 1874. 
*Charles J. Martin, 1874. 
*WiLLiAM A. Brewer, Sr., 

1875-81. 
*George W. Lord, 1875. 
Henry A. Page, 1875, 77, 

79-81. 
Samuel Colgate, 1879, 81- 

84. 
Frederick M, Shepard, 1881, 
86, 87. 



Everett Frazar, 1882-89, 95. 

Edward E. Quimby, 1882-84. 

James S. Cox, 1882. 

James C. Bayles, 1884, 85, 

Frank H. Scott, 1885. 

William R. Howe, 1885. 
*Horace W. Fowler, 1885. 

Henry Graves, 1886, 87. 

John D. Cutter, 1886, 87. 

Henry M. Oddie, 1886, 87. 

Charles J. Prescott, 1886. 
* George Gray, 1887, 88. 
*George H. Brewer, 1888. 

John 0. Heald, 1888, 89. 

Robert Ward, 1888. 

Jacob L. Halsey, 1888, 89. 

William F. Allen, 1889-95. 

Marshall Shepard, 1889. 

Bleecker Van Wagenen, 
1889-95. 

Henry B. Auchincloss, 1890. 

Aaron Carter, Jr., 1890. 

Josiah 0. Ward, 1890-93. 

James S. Baker, 1890-94. 

Wilberporce Freeman, 
1891-95. 

Usher W. Cutts, 1891-95. 

Isaac E. Gates, 1893, 94. 

Francis R. Upton, 1895. 



TREASURERS. 

*Frederic Lyman, 1870-72. Henry P. Starbuck, 1884-95. 

William A. Brewer, Jr., 1873-83. 



RECORDING SECRETARIES. 



Wendell P. Garrison, 1870- 

1880. 
William R. Howe, 1881-83. 
Henry B. Thomas, 1884, 85. 
Edwin S. Hathaway, 1886. 
Edward Corning, 1887. 



David A. Kennedy, 1888. 
Camillus G. Kidder, 1889, 

90. 
Charles A. Mead, 1891, 92. 
Charles A. Lindsley, 1893- 

95. 



OFFICEKS 



47 



CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

Wendell P. Garrison, 1881-95. 

CURATORS. 

Samuel F. Jayne, 1881. Charles H. Mann, 1886, 87. 

David A. Kennedy, 1882, 83. Thomas W. Harvey, 1888-92. 
Allton H. Sherman, 1884, Charles E. Eaton, 1892, 93. 
85. Charles A. Mead, 1894. 

Edward L. Kellogg, 1895. 



NECROLOGY. 

(Subject to correction.) 
May 12, 1870 — June 30, 1895. 



Francis Holmes Abbot, 

1797-1874. 
Frederic Augustus Adajnis, 

1807-1888. 
George Eliashib Adams, 

1801-1875. 
Robert P. Anderson, 1844- 

1881. 
Edward Austen, 1829-1893. 
George Blagden Bacon, 

183&-1876. 
John C. Bailey, 1807-1881. 
Samuel W. Baldwin, 1812- 

1879. 
William Harrison Baldwin, 

1847-1892. 
Phineas Bartlett, 1826-1881. 
William Jackson Beebe, 

1816-1877. 
James M. Beede, 1846-1881. 
David A. Bell, 1837-1893. 
George Hunting Brewer, 

1844-1894. 
William Augustus Brewer, 

1807-1890. 



Samuel C. Burdick, 1836- 



JoHN Burke, 1829-1892. 
Edwlnt Charles Burt, 1818- 

1884. 
James Carpenter, 1802-1878. 
William Richard Carson, 

1849-1890. 
Gardner Roberts Colby, 

1837-1889. 
Davis Collamore, 1820-1887. 
Robert 0. Crommelin, 1828- 

1885. 
James Melville Grossman, 

1835-1879. 
George W. B. Gushing, 1818- 

1888. 
James Frederick Dennis, 

1841-1886. 
Henry Albyn Dike, 1826- 

1887. 
JosiAH Farrajstd Dodd, 1818- 

1891. 
Thomas Catlin Elliott, 

1815-1883. 



48 



NECEOLOGY 



LiNDLEY Murray Evans, 

1851-1888. 
Henry Folsom, 1829-1887. 
George W. Ford, 1830-1882. 
Horace W. Fowler, 1842- 

1888. 
Alexander Hajviilton Free- 
man, 1810-1883. 
Joseph Cutler Fuller, 1823- 

1878. 
William A. Gellatly, 1831- 

1885. 
George Gray, 1823-1892. 
Charles Hall, 1839-1894. 
Lewis St. John Hallock, 

1838-1881. 
Jonathan Osborn Halsey, 

1836-1893. 
Hayward Augustus Harvey, 

1824-1893. 
Llewellyn Solomon Has- 
kell, 1815-1872. 
Peter A. Hawes, 1819-1885. 
Lewis B. Henry, 1828-1892. 
Henry Arnold Howe, 1816- 

1880. 
JA3IES M. Jackson, 1826-1888. 
Oliver Johnson, 1809-1889. 
Rowland Johnson, 1816-1886. 
James Walker Judd, 1811- 

1889. 
Austin M. Knight, 1830- 

1878. 
John S. Lamson, 1833-1883. 
Robert Lane, 1849-1888. 
William Leconey, 1817-1875. 
Frederick Arthur Levy, 

1851-1893. 
George Lindsley, 1821-1886. 
George William Lord, 1830- 

1880. 
Joseph Lord, 1832-1880. 
Manton Eastburn Lord, 

1838-1894. 



Frederick Lym.\n, 1823-1883. 
George Brinton McClellan, 

1826-1885. 
James H. Marr, 1842-1895. 
Charles Jackson Martin, 

1815-1888. 
Reune Martin, 1824-1894. 
Lowell Mason, 1792-1872, 

honorary. 
Lowell Mason, Jr., 1823- 

1885. 
Edwhn Hirajvi Mead, 1822- 

1895. 
Arthur Joseph Metz, 1836- 

1885. 
Thomas Miller, 1837-1895. 
Alexander Thompson Moore, 

1828-1892. 
J.\MEs K. Morgan, 1828-1893. 
Frederick William New- 
ton, 1819-1874. 
George Shepard Page, 1838- 

1892. 
John Parker, 1827 [f] -1883. 
Samuel Partridge, 1844- 

1880. 
Edward Payson, 1799-1882. 
William Walter Phelps, 

1839-1894, honorary. 
Edward Dickson Pierson, 

1833-1882. 
James W. Pirsson, 1833-1888. 
WiLLiAJM Foster Pond, 1863- 

1893. 
Francis Randall, 1810-1892. 
Edward Reed, 1822-1894. 
Theodore W. Reynolds, 

1843-1880. 
George Washington Rich- 
ards, 1829-1893. 
Thomas Shankland Root, 

1828-1890. 
David Nichols Ropes, 1814- 

1889. 



NECKOLOGY 



49 



George Elliott Simpson, 

1833-1893. 
Edward Skillin, 1837-1892. 
Benjamin F. Small, 1833- 

1882. 
Samuel Platt Smith, 1805- 

1883. 
George W. Snow, 1810-1886. 
Daniel J. Sprague, 1831-1888. 
Frederic S. Stallknecht, 

1820-1875. 
William French Stearns, 

1831-1874. 
William H. Steward, 1830- 

1886. 
Levi Payson Stone, 1802- 

1884. 
Henry Martyn Storrs, 1827- 

1894. 
Joseph Lord Taintor, 1835- 

1881. 
Frank C. Taylor, 1854-1883. 



Robert Helyer Thayer, 

1820-1888. 
Lewis Sandpord Thomas, 

1820-1875. 
Samuel Toombs, 1844-1889. 
Russell D. Tyng, 1846-1882. 
John Gorham Vose, 1829- 

1874. 
George Wait, 1809-1881. 
George Willis Warren, 

1841-1888. 
John Bowen Whiting, 1852- 

1895. 
John Wiley, 1808-1891. 
Jesse Williams, 1810-1885. 
Moses H. Williajvis, 1825- 

1872. 
Frank Wilmarth, 1841-1881. 
Peter Wolt, 1829-1894. 
Andrew J. Wood, 1818-1882. 
Elbridge Taylor Yardley, 

1845-1882. 



Charles Frazier Zimmermann, 1825-1893. 





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